01 dec guerre angleterre france
Eustache Deschamps was to echo those feelings. 23The soldier, then, is now coming to be regarded increasingly as a public officer, with an obligation towards his employer, the king, and beyond him to a wider society56. Bring your club to Amazon Book Clubs, start a new book club and invite your friends to join, or find a club that’s right for you for free. I have already mentioned the names of Roman writers such as Frontinus, Vegetius, and Valerius Maximus. To these vital qualities Jean de Bueil was to add another: that of having endured the sufferings and hardships of war which, in his view, was not an occupation for the soft or those who liked their pleasures too much54. As Jean Juvénal des Ursins was to write, ‘qui est plus grant loyaulté monstrer que exposer arme, corps et biens en vostre service’, going on to cite the famous Unes from St. John’s gospel, ‘Greater love has no man than to lay down his life for his friends’67. 31 The Poetical Works of Alain Chartier, ed. C. T. Allmand, Liverpool, 1976, pp. email@example.com Royal ordinances have much to say on him from the viewpoint of royal government and administration. Please check the HathiTrust Emergency Temporary Access Service (ETAS) for your item. Avant propos de Gabriel Handaux. C.C.I. The ordinance of 1439 is instructive in telling us how far the development had reached by that year. 2 In the discussion which follows, the soldier is the gens d’armes rather than the knight. © University of In accepting office, the captain assumed part of his sovereign’s obligation to society for the upkeep of order and peace, that state which men called ‘justice’. It was to that good, the good whose guardian the soldier was intended to be, that the texts referred with increasing frequency. Angleterre et France; fraternité en guerre, alliance dans la paix. ETAS items are listed as print-only in our catalogue. Tradition et nouveauté», in Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1979, pp. 3 John Bromyard, Summa Predicantium, Basel, 1484, under ‘Bellum’. However, if this were done for the ‘utilité publique’, their sin would soon be forgiven43. The immediate aim of this was the achievement of a greater level of efficiency and discipline within the army. In Bouvet’s opinion, a soldier killed fighting in a just war was assured of salvation, and his body could receive proper burial in consecrated ground68. cit., t. VI, p. 77. Although Bouvet could assert that the soldier was not sure of a place in Heaven unless he qualified for it ‘par bonnes euvres ou par justes querelles maintenir’14, the view of the soldier as the instrument of God’s punishment was likely to affect attitudes towards him, and how men might react towards what he did. As a man, Bouvet could write of his emotion at seeing the wrongs inflicted by soldiers upon poor labourers and others. 50 Policraticus, t. II, pp. 14I would suggest that, while chivalric in form, such a statement could not have been made such before the middle of the fourteenth century. L'Angleterre, la France et la guerre (Histoire) (French Edition) Three quarters of a century later Jean Juvénal des Ursins would echo them. There was a problem loading your book clubs. 71 English Suits, ed. The lists of dead and of those taken prisoner found in the chronicles after the accounts of battles serve as a reminder that these were intended to commemorate the names of those who had won honour on the field out of loyalty to their king and to the public good. cit., t. I, p. 318, citing John, 15: 13. web accessibility. cit., t. I, p. 387. We don’t share your credit card details with third-party sellers, and we don’t sell your information to others. At the same time the unruly soldier was undermining the effectiveness of royal authority; the king, whose obligation it was to impose peace and achieve justice in his kingdom, was finding the task almost beyond him. I will conclude by suggesting what I see some of these to be. As he announces, it is his ‘entencion de declairer et magnifester les haultes vertus, les grans triumphes, la loyauté et le grant courage des gens de guerre, quant ilz sont bons, avecques les plaisirs, loenges, honneurs et bonne renommée qu’ilz acquièrent en exerçant les armes’23. War, and the soldier in war as well as in peace, was a theme which occupied the minds of many of the leading writers of the period: Guillaume Machaut, Eustache Deschamps, Honoré Bouvet (or Bonet), Philippe de Mézières, Christine de Pisan, Alain Chartier, Jean Juvénal des Ursins, and Jean de Bueil. It was one thing, he wrote in both his Proposicion… par devant… le conte d’Eu and in A,A,A, Nescio loqui, for soldiers to make legitimate war upon the enemy, but quite another for them to wage it on their fellow Frenchmen: ‘Mez des gens de guerre qui se dient estre au roy, ilz destruisent tout et rançonnent les povres gens, prennent prisonniers, les mettent a finance, pour laquelle avoir les batent et desromptent, les mettent en fosses et les tirannisent en pluseurs et diversses manieres, emparent places pour faire guerre aux Angloix, lesquelles sont plus pour destruire le peuple et les serviteurs du roy que aultrement, comme vous vous pourés plus a plain informer”8. Many decades earlier, in his ballades, Eustache Deschamps had been hammering home the refrain that princes had an obligation to defend their subjects and achieve a state of justice within their lands. Condition: bon Hardcover Later in the work, the same view re-emerges: ‘Je croy que tout homme qui expose son corps à soustenir bonne querelle et à secourir son souverain seigneur ou son prouchain en bonne justice et en bon droit, fait et accomplist le commandement de Dieu’34. To Honoré Bouvet, the author of L'Arbre des Batailles written towards the end of the fourteenth century, suffering for the expiation of evil was good; indeed, it could not be avoided. 1What did late medieval society think of the soldier who featured so often in the chronicles and was, indeed, part of the everyday scene of that age? This, Bueil believed, was accomplishing the will of God. However, this kind of motivation is not sufficient. All rights reserved. It was not merely a question of whether the excesses of the soldiery could be resisted; the matter of whether they should be was also being debated. J. C. Buchon, Paris, 1838, pp. As writers on the subject have reminded us, chivalry had always inculcated a certain duty to the state39. Jean Juvénal des Ursins followed the same path. ALLMAND, Christopher T. Changing Views of the Soldier in Late Medieval France In : Guerre et société en France, en Angleterre et en Bourgogne xiv e-xv e siècle [en ligne]. If the lawyer defended people with words, the soldier’s task was to do the same with arms1. This last example is of particular interest, for Tilleman claimed to be no more than an homme d’armes, yet one who, in service stretching from the battle of Najera (1367) to that of Verneuil (1424), had served the crown as a soldier. All rights reserved. Et chacun dit de lui en derriere: ‘Ha! If Charles VII was criticised (as he was by Jean Juvénal des Ursins, who asked ‘Quare obdormis, Domine?’), one reason was that the king was not looking sufficiently to the needs of the ‘bien publique’, and that the gens d’armes, who represented the strength of the crown, were not being properly used. 19What was happening was that the soldier, in particular, was coming to be regarded as the guardian of the public good, the instrument available to the king to defend the country from exterior attack, to expel enemies (such as the English) who might be in possession of part of it, and to maintain peace within it. 64 E. Ashmole, The institution, laws and ceremonies of the most noble Order of the Garter, London, 1672, pp. 11John of Salisbury had stressed that the controlling of soldiers was a great test for a ruler18. The preamble refers to the need for reform, ‘pour obvier & donner remede à faire cesser les grands excez & pilleries faites & commises par les Gens de guerre, qui par longtemps ont vescu & vivent sur le peuple sans ordre de Justice’55. 59 Ibid., pp. 7Deschamps wrote these words probably in 1369. Others were equally insistent upon the importance of this central message. It was this point which some contemporaries found worrying. 26 Le Jouvencel, t. I, p. 15; t. II, p. 71; t. I, p. 118. 787, 792. Obligation to serve in the army, in the arrière-ban, for example, could be turned into a virtue. Much of what follows arises from a consideration of the views expressed in their writings. 22 E. Deschamps, op. As Bouvet would not condemn war on the grounds that some abused it, so we should not judge all soldiers by the worst of them. All that the soldier took, in the way of food for example, was to be paid for, while damage to private property was to be compensated for and those held responsible for such destruction were to be sought out. 32-34, printed in Society at War, ed. L'Angleterre, la France et la guerre (Histoire) (French Edition). The praise which Deschamps lavished upon Bertrand du Guesclin and Louis de Sancerre, both Constables of France, both buried besides their sovereign lords at Saint-Denis, had much of the traditional chivalric praise of the knight behind it22. It was to Augustine that he turned for an answer. La guerre de Cent ans vue par quelques polémistes français du, La préparation des opérations militaires au début du, Portail de ressources électroniques en sciences humaines et sociales, Publications de l’Institut de recherches historiques du Septentrion, Suggérer l'acquisition à votre bibliothèque, Histoire et littérature du Septentrion (IRHiS), Par auteurs, Par personne citée, Par mots clés, Par dossiers. 39 R. L. Kilgour, The decline of Chivalry, as shown in the French literature of the late middle ages, Cambridge, Mass., 1937, p. 214; Μ. H. Keen, Chivalry, Yale, 1984, pp. In spite of arguing that the soldier was the flail of God, Bouvet had shown himself to be the strong upholder of the rights and interests of the poor labourer who should be left in peace17, a view with which Alain Chartier and Jean Juvénal des Ursins, to name but two, were later to concur. Ch. This point should not be pressed too far, but the public good, that political concept to which a host of fourteenth-and fifteenth-century writers, both inside and outside France, refer, is one which had been inherited from the classical world through the care of John of Salisbury, Aquinas, and others, to take its place as a concept of great importance and as part of the language of nascent national awareness in the late medieval world. In 1361 it was claimed that both the kingdom and the royal authority were being threatened ‘publiquement’ by the soldiery, so that the assembling of ‘gens d’armes et archiers’, other than with express royal permission, had to be forbidden by the king5. If Jean Juvénal des Ursins does not appear to have been afraid of royal power expressed in the form of an army, others were less happy at this development. By the next century the argument about a soldier’s obligation had been taken a step further, and in a manner of particular interest to this discussion. Please try again. Top subscription boxes – right to your door, © 1996-2020, Amazon.com, Inc. or its affiliates. Having shown that the soldier’s call is one of honour, he concludes by claiming that ‘moult y a de virtus et de grans perfections en ceulx qui sieuvent la guerre’24. ‘Que c’est la chose publique, dont le roy est tout le chef?’, asked Jean Juvénal des Ursins. Avant propos de Gabriel Handaux. Map 1916. catalogue key. The Regement of Princes, ed. Both Jean le Maingre and Jean de Bueil were to ask that provision be made for old soldiers who had done good service: as Jouvencel put it, ‘ilz sont vielz et anciens; ilz vous ont bien servi… Je vous pri et supplie qu’il vous plaise leur donner estat de quoy ilz vivent honnourablement le surplus de leurs jours; car je ne vouldroye pas avoir tous les biens de ce monde, par ainsi que aprez moi ilz demourassent en neccessité’65. When Venette wrote about the burning of his native village by the English, he described a man’s natural reaction to an event which, as he recalled, was being repeated elsewhere6. 66 Hoccleve’s Works: III. In this discussion we are primarily concerned with the more ordinary soldier, the gens d’armes, and it is for this reason that the evidence contained in Jean de Bueil’s masterpiece, Le Jouvencel, is of such importance to us. 130 St. George St.,Toronto, ON, M5S 1A5 War, far from being an evil, was a way of righting wrong, of turning dissension to peace, a medicine used to restore health to the human body. cit., t. V, pp. About 58 L’Arbre des Batailles, pp. 69 La Panégyric du seigneur Loys de la Trimoille, dit le chevallier sans reproche par Jean Bouchet, éd. 67 J. Juvénal des Ursins, op. The first was his birth, ‘la grace de naistre de maison noble’; the second (and perhaps the more important) was his ‘sens et entendement et personnaige pour porter les armes, et de povoir conduire voz faiz en si grant honneur et si grant renommée que la louenge en va jusques à Dieu’49. All soldiers should return to their homes. That popular opinion should react in this way was natural enough. 45-48. There should exist another view of the soldier, an ideal view perhaps, the creation of the lawyer and the intellectual, who present us with a vision of the soldier as a man of flesh and blood, with a soul to save, who, in spite of the frightening aspect which he was all too often given, was none the less worthy of the respect, even the honour, due to those who defend the common interest through service to the king. Lille : Publications de l’Institut de recherches historiques du Septentrion, 1991 (généré le 14 avril 2020). 348 sq. Borrow it Toggle Dropdown Albert D. Cohen Management Library; Architecture/Fine Arts Library; Archives and Special Collections; Bibliothèque Alfred-Monnin (Université de Saint-Boniface) Borrow it Toggle Dropdown Albert D. Cohen Management Library; Architecture/Fine Arts Library; Archives and Special Collections; Bibliothèque Alfred-Monnin (Université de Saint-Boniface) It was the opposite to the particular good, in the fullest meaning of the phrase. 11-13 (VI, iii). 57 Ordonnance., t. V, p. 659 (cl. . cit., t. I, pp. Au jour d’hui veult chascun guerre mener’, he wrote; soldiers destroy their country through pillage; all honour is gone. C. Deeds, Sussex Record Society, t. I, 1908-1910, p. 92. 73 P. D. Solon, art. J. C. Laidlaw, Cambridge, 1974, p. 428. 146-147. The soldier, need we remind ourselves, is seen as the defender of that concept. Keen, H. Maurice, et al.. When discussing the lawfulness of fighting on a feast day, Honoré Bouvet stressed that the soldiers of his day would be condemned if they rode out, scaled a town, or pillaged or robbed on Easter Day for their advantage. 18, 29-30. While the fulfilment of such aims was still the principal raison d’être for the existence of the nobility and the justification for the privileges which it enjoyed (so much, I think, may be read into the Complainte of 1357 and even the views of Alain Chartier in the next century), there can be little doubt that, influenced by humanistic thinking and the ideas of Vegetius, the fulfilment of defensive needs was now, more than ever before, coming to be regarded as a matter of communal responsibility. Terms and conditions. 302-305. 1 Joannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policratici, ed. Translated in Society at War, ed. Certainly, by 1361 (as we have seen) the assembling of gens d’armes was forbidden other than by express royal order; if this were not done, the kingdom would suffer ‘publiquement’28. Soldiers, the text tells us, exist to serve ‘pour nostre service [et la] deffense, bien et seurté de leurs pays’21. 25 Ibid., t. II, pp. Webb, Oxford,1909, t. II, p. 2 (VI, i), cited hereafter as Policraticus; Jean de Bueil, Le Jouvencel…, éd. series title "Pages actuelles", 1914-1916 [no. 38-39. 17Several traditions helped to make explicit the link between service to king and service to country or, as it was more usually called, to the ‘bien publique’. Free shipping for many products! In a period of war and of direct threat to the patrie from both the English and the Companies, the public good comes to be equated with the concept of the defence of the nation. Solon,. Translated in Society at War, ed. P. S. Lewis, SHF, Paris, 1978-1985, t. I, pp. 159-160. ‘La chose publique est la chose du peuple, du pays et commune; et est la chose publique saulve quant tous sont unis en bonne amour et dilection, et que chascun pense au proffit et utilité et entende, et est constituee de personnes souveraines, moyennes, et basses, et le souverain et le chef c’est le roy’41. 28What the soldier looks like to his contemporaries has an intrinsic interest of its own, whatever age or epoch is being considered. ; GIRY-DELOISON, Charles (dir.) 4 «Complainte sur la bataille de Poitiers», éd. Here, as in other texts taken from the same suit, is a clear assertion that not only was the soldier the guardian of the public good, in an ideal and moral sense, but, as the recipient of wages taken from public money, he had an obligation to fulfil his indenture by serving out his term. Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Not surprisingly, the refrain to the section on ‘loyauté’ in Chartier’s Le Bréviaire des Nobles (a discussion of noble virtues) is ‘Servir leur roy et leurs subgez deffendre’32. Was it right to resist the manifest will of God reflected in the soldier’s actions? In these examples we see a reflection of the claim to honour and respectability made by litigants before the Parlement of Paris35: Richard Handford was described as ‘bon escuier… et a servy le roi en la bataille de Verneul et a Saint Jame de Beuron et ailleurs ou il s’est bien emploié’36; in 1430 Robert Stafford could claim to have ‘servy le roy continuelment en la compagnie du feu conte de Salisbury’37; while Henry Tilleman said that he was ‘bon homme d’armes et [a] servi le prince de Gales ou voiage d’Espaigne, et depuis continuelment a servi le roy et ses predecesseurs, et porta l’estandart du duc de Bedford en la bataille de Verneul’38. Thomas Basin, notably, regarded such an army, now maintained on a permanent basis but no longer justified by the country’s military needs, as a new tyranny, not so much on account of the physical power which it represented (although he was a little afraid of that) but on account of the huge sums which would be required through taxation to sustain it (a view which was shared by Jean Juvénal des Ursins) and the creation of an enlarged fiscal organization which it would entail. Please let us know: Angleterre et France; fraternité en guerre, alliance dans la paix. It is in this sense, I think, that we have to understand Jean de Bueil’s statement that ‘gens d’armes… sont faiz pour tourmenter le monde’11, the implication being that, seen in a theological view, such torment is good, even desirable. Par Sir Thomas Barclay. Those who wrote on military matters in France at this time show evidence of having grasped one of the principal messages which these, and other classical writers, had to convey, namely the common obligation to defend the res publica. The ordinance of 1374, as we have seen, was much more explicit, with specific penalties for those who left their units before the appointed time57; it is as well to remember that indentures were regarded as having serious legal, as well as practical, implications for those who entered into them, implications which might be pursued in the courts. 46 J. Froissart, Chroniques, éd. In Le Jouvencel, Jean de Bueil made the captain of Crathor exclaim, after the capture of the town: ‘Nous avons fait, Dieu mercy! KEEN, H. Maurice (dir.) 40 J. Juvénal des Ursins, op. Contamine, «L’idée de guerre à la fin du moyen âge: aspects juridiques et éthiques», in Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1979, pp. Robert Blondel, for one, did not. It was now his duty to control the men under his command so that through him the king could be seen to be keeping his house, namely his kingdom, in peace. 416-978-8450 Towards the end of the ordinance comes what we are looking for: a statement of intention. In brief, he brings back security to a land from which it has long been absent. In other words, although noble descent was helpful, it was primarily Jouvencel’s experience of war (described in the book) and his personal qualities which won him promotion. Frenchmen were grateful for the help which the soldier had given the king in the re-establishment of the royal authority which lay behind the peace which their country now enjoyed. But God allowed war in order to punish men for their sins; the gens d’armes were regarded as ‘les exécuteurs de nostre Seigneur’, the flail of God, and if war sometimes oppressed the good and the just, it was for the increase of their glory12. Undisciplined soldiers were making life a misery for the population; they were attacking the ‘transquilité’ of the civilian and were becoming objects of fear, a fact confirmed by Jean de Venette’s chronicle.